Birth Notes

Benjamin Whitcomb
Benjamin Whitcomb (1737 - 1828)
Privacy Level: Open (White)
Major Benjamin Whitcomb
Born 2 Jul 1737 in Lancaster, Massachusettsmap
Ancestors ancestors
Son of Benjamin Whitcomb and Dorothy (White) Whitcomb
Brother of Tamar Whitcomb, Dorothy (Whitcomb) Johnson, Joanna Whitcomb, Nathaniel Whitcomb, Joanna Whitcomb, Nathaniel Whitcomb, Eunice (Whitcomb) Wilson, Ephraim Whitcomb, John Whitcomb and Josiah Whitcomb    
Husband of Lydia Howe - married 14 Dec 1769 in Westmoreland, Cheshire, New Hampshiremap
Descendants descendants
Father of Ruth Whitcomb, Benjamin Whitcomb, Lydia (Whitcomb) Caswell, Joshua Whitcomb, Azubah Whitcomb and Anna Bedell (Whitcomb) Morris
Died 22 Jul 1828 in Lisbon, Grafton, New Hampshire, United Statesmap
Profile manager: Northernthistle Paige private message [send private message]
Profile last modified 1 Apr 2019 | Created 13 Sep 2013
This page has been accessed 637 times.
Major Benjamin Whitcomb served Whitcomb's Rangers (1776) during the American Revolution
Service started:
Unit(s):
Service ended:


Contents
[hide]

    1 Biography
        1.1 Birth
        1.2 Event
        1.3 Residence
        1.4 Probate
        1.5 Note
        1.6 Marriage
    2 Sources
        2.1 Notes
        2.2 Acknowledgments

Biography

This biography was auto-generated by a GEDCOM import. It's a rough draft and needs to be edited.
Birth

    Birth:

        Date: 2 Jul 1737
        Place: Lancaster, Massachusetts[1][2][3][4]

Event

    Event: Major in Revolutionary War

        Type: Military Service

    Event: Salmon Hole Cemetery

        Type: Cemetery
        Place: Lisbon, Grafton, New Hampshire

Residence

    Residence:

        Date: 1790
        Place: Concord, Grafton, New Hampshire[5]

    Residence:

        Date: 1800
        Place: Concord, Grafton, New Hampshire[6]

Probate

    Probate:

        Date: 18 Aug 1828
        Place: Grafton, New Hampshire[7]

Note

    Note: #NI131

Marriage

    Husband: Benjamin Whitcomb
    Wife: Lydia Howe
    Marriage:

        Date: 14 Dec 1769
        Place: Westmoreland, Cheshire, New Hampshire[8][9]

    Child: Ruth Whitcomb
    Child: Benjamin Whitcomb
    Child: Joshua Whitcomb
    Child: Lydia Whitcomb
    Child: @I112@
    Child: Anna Bedell Whitcomb
    Data Changed:

        Date: 20 Mar 2011

            Time: 11:07

    Husband: @I133@
    Wife: Dorothy White
    Marriage:

        Date: Bef 1735
        Place: Lancaster, Massachusetts[10][11]

    Child: Benjamin Whitcomb
    Data Changed:

        Date: 20 Mar 2011

            Time: 11:07

Sources

    New Hampshire Revolution...ry War Records, 1675-1835 Rolls Muster rolls and petitions, 1778-1787
    Source: S34 Media: Book Abbreviation: Whitcomb Family in America Title: The Whitcomb Family in America : a Biographical Genealogy Author: Charlotte Whitcomb Publication: Minneapolis, Minn. : [s.n.], 1904.
    Source: S41 Media: Book Abbreviation: Lancaster, Massachusetts, Birth, Marriage, Death Register, Church Records and Epitaphs Title: Birth, Marriage, Death Register, Church Records and Epitaphs of Lancaster, Massachusetts, 1643-1850 Author: Henry S. Nourse, editor Publication: Lancaster Clinton, Printed by W. J. Coulter 1890
    Source: S498 Abbreviation: 1790 United States Federal Census Title: 1790 U.S. census, Ancestry.com Operations Inc, Provo, Utah, Digital images Publication: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.
    Source: S500 Abbreviation: 1800 United States Federal Census Title: 1800 U.S. census, Ancestry.com Operations Inc, Provo, Utah, Digital images Publication: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.
    Source: S534 Media: Book Abbreviation: John Whitcomb and Frances Coggin 350 Years Later Title: John Whitcomb and Frances Coggin 350 Years Later Publication: John Whitcomb and Frances Coggin 350 Years Later Mary Anne R. Shepherd Del Mar, Calif. : Hypercom Electronics, 1981.
    Source: S760 Abbreviation: New Hampshire County Probate Records,1660 - 1973 Grafton Title: "New Hampshire County Probate Records,1660 - 1973," database, FamilySearch.org, https://familysearch.org/   Author: Grafton County Probate Court
    Source: S86 Media: Internet Web Page Abbreviation: Willard Family Association Author: The Willard Family Association of America, Inc Publication: hallock.home.mindspring.com/
    Source: S91 Abbreviation: Genealogy of John White Title: Genealogy of the Descendants of John White of Wenham and Lancaster, Massachusetts. 1638 Author: Almira Larkin White Publication: Haverhill, Mass., Chase brothers, printers, 1900-09

Notes

    Note NI131The Whitcomb Family in America by Charlotte Whitcomb
    page 416 Benjamin Whitcomb was the most prominent pioneer, trapper and hunter of his time in New Hampshire and Vermont. He was a successful scout and spy during the French and Indian and Revolutionary Wars. He won his Major's commission "by shooting General Gordon in Canada. This commission was offered by General Washington as a reward to any American soldier who would kill a British General in retaliation for the wanton butcheries and massacres of women and children in the frontier settlements by the Indians under the British. Benjamin Whitcomb, after he had ambushed and killed Gen. Gordon, was captured by the Indians and expected to forfeit his life, but was set free by an Indian whom he had befriended many years before. This account of him is gleaned from Hemanway's 'Vermont', but the incident of his being set free by the Indian was the basis of a story in the Vermont School Readers of a generation ago." [late 1800's] ..."He received the promised commission and was generally known as 'Major Ben,' and died in Lisbon, N.H., in 1827, over ninety years of age. He was allowed a pension for four years' actual service as Major in New Hampshire troops, according to Pension File 42614.
    Historical New Hampshire, October 1955: "Major Benjamin Whitcomb" by George F. Morris
    Major Benjamin Whitcomb was born July 2, 1737, in that part of Lancaster later incorporated as Leominster. Hardly had he reached manhood when the French and Indian War broke out. In 1755 a call was made for men from Massachusetts to join in an expedition under General Johnson against Crown Point, and it was while serving as a private in Samuel Hurd's company, in this expedition, that young Whitcomb, then scarcely eighteen years of age, first saw active service. He was in the battle of Lake George, September 8, 1755, when the gallant but unfortunate Dieskau was defeated by the undisciplined colonial troops.
    He again responded in 1757 on the general alarm which followed the victory of Montcalm at Fort William Henry, enlisting in Capt. Oliver Wilder's company. It was expected that Montcalm would follow up his advantage and push on to Albany. Men were hastily enlisted for its defense, but Montcalm retired to Canada, and the company was disbanded without seeing active service.
    He again enlisted in 1759 in the company of James Reed for service with General Amherst in his expedition against Montreal. In the enlistment roll his name appears as follows:
    "Benjamin Whitcomb, aged 21, served 1756, Leominster."
    He served with his company during Amherst's entire campaign. On the return from Canada, some of the Massachusetts companies marched across Vermont from Lake Champlain to Charleston No. 4, New Hampshire, and from thence to their homes. Undoubtedly Whitcomb on this trip became more or less familiar with Westmoreland, New Hampshire, in which town he later settled. The date of this removal is uncertain, and whether he went directly from Leominster to Westmoreland or like some of his brothers, went first to Jaffrey, New Hampshire, and from thence to Westmoreland, is only a matter of conjecture. From the records it is certain that in 1775, Whitcomb was a resident of the latter town.
    His family seems to have been fired with the patriotism of the times. Of the five sons of Benjamin Whitcomb, Sr., who grew to manhood, four, at least, enlisted in the Continental Army; Nathaniel, who served in Captain Jacob Hind's Company in Colonel James Reed's Regiment; John and Ephraim, who served in Captain Francis Town's Company of Colonel David Gilman's Regiment; and Benjamin, Jr., whose career is of more particular interest to us in this sketch.
    Benjamin Whitcomb was among the first in New Hampshire to respond to his country's call at the opening of the Revolutionary war. The date of his enlistment is somewhat uncertain. In the roll of Colonel Timothy Bedel's Regiment of June 23, 1775, which was the first muster of Bedel's men, Whitcomb's name does not appear. Two more companies were added to Bedel's Regiment in July, 1775. January 20, 1776, the New Hampshire House of Representatives voted "to raise one regiment of soldiers forthwith." This regiment, consisting of eight companies, was raised and placed under the command of Colonel Bedel and ordered to join the Continental army. Benjamin Whitcomb's name appears in the roll of Captain Samuel Young's Company in this regiment as second lieutenant, and we find him receipting March 8, 1776 for L10 16s. od. for services since January 22, 1776. So we conclude that he responded to the call of the House of Representatives made January 20, 1776, and enlisted two days later. Some time prior to June 24, of the same year, he was promoted to first lieutenant. During the month of March, 1776, Bedel's Regiment or the part of it which was not eliminated from service that year by the surrender of the Cedars, was ordered to Canada to join the northern division of the Continental army under the command of General Schuyler. It was in Montreal as early as April 20, in Quebec, May 6, Sorel, May 27 and 28, Crown Point, June 19 to July 15, and Ticonderoga, July 18, where it remained some time.
    The Champlain valley was familiar ground to Whitcomb because of his service in the French and Indian war, and very early in the campaign his qualifications seemed to have been discovered by his superior officers. At that time an important branch of the service and one attended with the greatest danger was the ranger or scouting service. Whitcomb seems to have been chiefly employed during the year 1776 in this line of work, his field of operation being between Fort Ticonderoga and the enemy encamped around St. Johns and Montreal, Canada.
    In recounting the dangers attending these duties, I am afraid we do not, in the days of well-laid highways, railroads, telegraphs and telephones, stop to think that then none of these existed. Then nothing but boundless, and I mean to say trackless, forests existed in northern New Hampshire and Vermont. To deliver a message from Coos (Haverhill) to the Continental Army in Canada, through 180 miles of unbroken forests, required a man of dauntless courage, iron constitution and cunning, to outwit the savage allies of the English, who were wandering through the entire intervening region, bent on plundering and scalping whoever crossed their path. To such service Benjamin Whitcomb was assigned. The exact work he did in that line can be but partially related, as the records are very meager. Such information as we have is gathered from letters of different persons, written to the operations of the army in general, in which Whitcomb's name casually appears.
    In a letter dated at Skenesborough, August 8, 1776, written by General Benedict Arnold to General Philip Schuyler, Whitcomb is mentioned as having been lately sent from Crown Point to St. Johns, "which place he left the 31 ultimo. He went down on the east side as far as Chambley, and returned on the west. Says he observed about forty bateaux at St. Johns and some others building, but no large vessels, -- believes there were about two thousand men between St. Johns and Chambley."
    In a letter from Major-General Gates to General Washington, dated at Ticonderoga, August 28, 1776, Lieutenant Whitcomb is mentioned as having left that place "the 20th instant upon a scout towards St. Johns, Chambley, etc." And General Arnold, writing from Windmill Point to General Gates, September 7, 1776, says: "Lieutenant Whitcomb arrived here the 5th instant in the evening and went off the same night, with three men from St. Johns on the west side."
    Whitcomb seems to have returned from this expedition September 17, 1776, as appears from a letter by General Arnold to General Gates, dated at Isle-la-Motte, September 18, 1776, in which letter Whitcomb is mentioned as returning from the north with two prisoners.
    The dates in these letters seem to correspond with a diary kept by Whitcomb of one of his expeditions. Although no month or year appears in Whitcomb's memoranda, a comparison of the dates given and of contemporaneous events lead me to the conclusion that the diary refers to this expedition. Whitcomb's minutes are here reproduced.
    Abstract of Lieutenant Whitcomb's journal on his scout:
    Set out from Ticonderoga with my party and arrived at Crown Point that day, where I showed my orders to Gen. Arnold, who advised me to wait for the fleet, which was to sail the next day. I staid according to orders, and sent over the river to buy some sauce. My party found a man at one of the inhabitant's houses, who they suspected to be an enemy to the cause. Upon their return and information they gave of the person, I went over the next day and brought him to Gen. Arnold. He could give no account of himself, only came to work. Gen. Arnold told him he would send him to Gen. Gates and that night set him at liberty. I never knew what became of him since. The winds being contrary was detained until the 25th, (Aug, 1776), when we set sail and only made two miles. The 26th made Gilliland's Creek. 27th the winds being high, the gondolas could not lay there, moved off to Button-Mould-Bay. I remained there till the 31st. On the same day I went to Gilliland's Creek, and had orders to take two tories and examine them which I did, with Capt. Alexander, and found them not guilty.
    2nd September, at evening, left Capt. Alexander, and set out with two canoes, and the wind being against us, put up on the island near Cumberland Bay. My ensign was taken sick with ague so that we could not move him. Left two men to take care of him. The fleet passed us while on the island. 4th. at evening I set out with Wright in a canoe, when we lost our way, the night being very dark, and got into a bay. We could not find our way back but was obliged to stay till morning. Early in the morning we set out and came in sight of the vessels when we were at the lower end of Isle-la-Motte. The wind being so high we could not make way till about ten o'clock. Arrived that day about two o'clock with Gen. Arnold. I took two men out of the vessels and went on shore, where we encamped that night.
    On the 7th. September, early in the morning, set out and arrived opposite the Isle-au-Noix. The day being wet, and I was taken with the ague, durst not venture to wade the water. On the 8th was something better. Waded over to the bank of the river, and made a discovery of nearly one thousand men as I judged on the island but not a vessel or bateaux to be seen. Then returned across the water and traveled five miles towards St. Johns. I sent one man back to Gen. Arnold, to inform him of it. 10th. only made a mile, the ague being so violent. 11th. traveled seven miles and came to the road when the ague seized me again. 12th. saw one of the enemy, but being sick durst not venture to make an attack upon him. The day before I saw 319 regulars and a small number of indians with their baggage, pass by to St. Johns. 13th. saw 72 indians armed, returning from St. Johns to Montreal. Before they were out of my sight I saw two persons coming after them, when they came against me, I found them to be the enemy. I immediately stepped out and told them they were my prisoners and must immediately go to Ticonderoga and see Gen. Gates. They asked me whether or not I was a Canadian as they were sure I was no soldier. I told them soldier or not, they must go with me, and I immediately ordered them to march out of the road; and they offered me sums of money to let them go, I told them I would not for all the money King George was worth.
    We marched that night about eight miles, the 14th marched about 12 miles. 15th came to the place where the vessels lay when I left them and found them gone, which surprised the prisoners very much, as we were just out of provisions, and we were greatly afraid of starving. I told them their fleet had most certainly taken ours or drove them off; with intent to try them. They asked me the strength of our fleet. I told them. They said it was impossible for them to drive us, that our fleet had not gone far. We marched 6 miles and came in sight of a fleet, to a river which we could not pass. The Indians frequently came there to view our vessels and the ground between being wet in other places we were obliged to lie there that night and sent off a man to the vesels who arrived next day about ten o'clock with a batteau, he crossed the river on a small raft. 16th we immediately went on board the batteau and in about two hours got to the vessels. 17th about two o'clock left the vessels in a batteau commanded by one of Col. Hartley's subs and went about 20 miles that night. 18th early in the morning we set off and made Gilliland's Creek. The officer having business there we remained until the 19th at 12 o'clock then set out the wind being against us, made only twelve miles. 20th late in the morning we set out and got to Crown Point about 3 o'clock. 21st arrived at Ticonderoga.
    Benjamin Whitcomb, Lieutenant.
    It was during his scout in July, 1776, already referred to, that he shot General Gordon of the British army at a point between St. John and La Prairie, Canada.
    I have read and heard of many different accounts of this adventure, but the one to which I attach the greatest credit is the one which has been handed down from generation to generation among the family traditions of Major Whitcomb, and which is as follows:
    The general then in command of the Northern Division of the Continental Army, which, after the disastrous attempt on Quebec and Trois Rivers early in the season of 1776, had retreated as far as Crown Point and Ticonderoga, was desirous of capturing an officer of the British Army, in hopes of gaining from him information concerning the strength and movements of the enemy. An invasion was momentarily looked for. Whitcomb, who was engaged in scouting service, knew of the desire. He set out with two companions, who later deserted him. He made his way to St. Johns and stationed himself beside the road leading from the enemy's camp, choosing a place where a stream of water and deep ravine came near the highway, at a point where a tree had been blown over, leaving the roots turned up. Here he waited until he saw a British officer with several aids approaching. When they were passing he fired, mortally wounding General Gordon. He remained secreted beneath the roots of the tree until the pursuing party rushed pass him, thinking, of course, that he would immediately try to make his escape. As soon as they were out of sight he passed along the trunk of the fallen tree into the alders of the ravine. Keeping in the stream for some distance, traveling day and night, with a scant supply of provisions, he reached Fort Ticonderoga in safety, where he related his adventures, not knowing that he had killed the officer. When asked if he thought he killed the officer, Whitcomb said his "gun never deceived him when aimed at a deer, but as a leaf came in the way of his sight as he fired, he could not be positive but was sure he struck him as he saw him quiver about the shoulders."
    The shooting of General Gordon greatly incensed the British, who claimed that such an act was contrary to all rules of civilized warfare and no less than murder. Later Whitcomb's release was demanded of the American general, under a flag of truce, but the British were informed that so long as they employed Indians to waylay, murder and scalp Americans they must reasonably expect retaliation. A reward of 50 guineas was offered by General Carleton for the capture of Whitcomb, either dead or alive.
    Notwithstanding the perils, Whitcomb immediately set out on another scouting expedition to the same region, during which he did capture two of the enemy, as appears by the letters of General Arnold under date of September 18, 1776, and by Whitcomb's diary. In an extract from Aunsbury's letters the incident is noted as follows: "I am most agreeably interrupted in my reflections by a visit from our friend S., who is just arrived from New York. He was taken prisoner last summer by a notorious fellow of the name of Whitcomb, the same who shot Brigadier General Gordon, the particulars of which I will inform you in my next text."
    The next letter referred to is printed at length in the "Memoir and Official Correspondence of General John Stark," page 490, but is too lengthy to be reproduced in full here. It gives the British version of the shooting of General Gordon, and in referring to the capture of "our friend S." (Colonel Skene), the author says, "that Whitcomb in furtherance of his desire, after the death of General Gordon, to capture a British officer, went with two companions back to the same spot and concealed themselves in the woods. The regiment of which our friend S. is quartermaster having occasion for some stores from Montreal, he was going from the camp to St. Johns to procure them. He was advised not to go this road, but by way of Chamblee, on account of the late accident; but you know him to be a man of great personal bravery and courage, joined with uncommon strength, and he resolved not to go so many miles out of his way for any Whitcomb whatever. He jocosely remarked that he would be very glad to meet him as he was sure he would get the reward. In this however he was greatly mistakened, his reward being no other than that of being taken prisoner himself."
    Of the several different accounts of the killing of General Gordon, some, which have been written, have incidents woven in which bear decided ear-marks of improbability. For instance, that in "Hemenway's Vermont Historical Gazetteer," wherein he is said to have made his escape to Royalton, Vermont, and in "Wells' History of Newbury, Vermont," wherein he is spoken of as having plundered the body of his victim and taken from it a watch and sword, are illustrations.
    It is hardly possible that Whitcomb would have passed the Continental Army on Lake Champlain to take refuge at Royalton, Vermont. The indisputable evidence is that he reported to General Arnold at Skenesborough before August 8, and as early as August 20 set out on another scout to the same region.
    Again it is improbable that he plundered the body of General Gordon if several aids were present when the shooting occurred, and more improbable that he should go back without knowing that he had killed him.
    I have either read or heard a theory advanced that the American officers in command of the Northern Army, to retaliate for the inhuman treatment of the American prisoners surrendered by Major Butterfield at the Cedars, offered a captain's commission to any one who would capture a British officer of the rank of colonel, or a major's commission to any one who would capture a British general. This is not improbable. The capture of Colonel Skene was made September 13, 1776, and one month after, Whitcomb was commissioned a captain. What his secret orders were, may never be known, but it is certain from the refusal to surrender him on the British demand, and from the treatment subsequently accorded him, that the shooting of General Gordon was not looked upon as an atrocity by the American officers in command.
    October 14, 1776, Lieutenant Whitcomb was commissioned a captain by the Continental Congress and raised an independent battalion of rangers for the Continental Army. The battalion at first consisted of two companies, Captain Whitcomb's and Captain George Aldrich's, and a record remains of the names and residences of the men. Most of them enlisted in the latter part of 1776, and their term of enlistment was "during this war." The battalion seems to have joined the Northern Army at Ticonderoga. General Gates in a letter to Congress dated at Albany, November 27, 1776, designates Whitcomb's Battalion for service at Ticonderoga. Whitcomb, himself, seems to have been at Ticonderoga as early as November 14, 1776, for on that day by general orders to the Northern Army he was designated as field officer of the day.
    His renown seems to have been more than local and his fame and character are well illustrated by a letter written by General Gates to General Schuyler, dated at Ticonderoga, November 5, 1776. It says: "Let the Tory inhabitants of Tyron County know that I will send Captain Whitcomb and one hundred men to whip them into obedience the moment they are retractory. H. Gates."
    His name seems to have been used for its effect on the Tories, much as a mother sometimes frightens her child into obedience by threatening to call in some noted character of the town. What the effect of this letter was on the inhabitants of Tryon County we do not know, but we presume it had a terrifying influence, as there is no record that Whitcomb was sent there.
    Whitcomb's Battalion served in different divisions until December 31, 1779. Captain Whitcomb was promoted to major, November 10, 1777, and during the years 1777, 1778 and 1779, his battalion served at times in each of the following organizations: Colonel George Reed's Second New Hampshire Regiment, Colonel Bedel's Regiment and Major Dearborn's Battalion.
    When in July, 1777, Burgoyne's invading army from the north compelled the Americans to abandon Fort Ticonderoga, Whitcomb's rangers retreated to Albany with the rest of the Northern Army.
    In early summer, Captain George Aldrich of Whitcomb's rangers was sent to New Hampshire to recruit more men for the battalion. On his return he joined General Stark, then near Bennington, and with the men he had recruited, took quite a prominent part in the battle of Bennington. A portion, at least, of Whitcomb's rangers were with the Northern Army at Saratoga, and participated in the battles at Stillwater or Bemis Heights, September 19 and October 7, 1777. We find in the list of companies engaged in the first battle, Major Dearborn's battalion of infantry, partly made up of Whitcomb's rangers. The loss in the first battle in Major Dearborn's Battalion was 43 killed, and of the 321 men killed, 161 were from New Hampshire, being one more than half of the entire loss. It is interesting to note here that in the four engagements fought in 1777, viz., Hubbardton, Bennington and the first and second battles of Stillwater, New Hampshire troops bore a prominent part. Colonel Cilley's first New Hampshire, Colonel Reid's second New Hampshire and Colonel Scammell's third New Hampshire regiments were in the battle of Hubbardton and both battles at Stillwater. It was General Stark who gave the first check to the advance of the victorious Burgoyne at Bennington, and to New Hampshire men as much as to any others, is honor and glory due for the triumphant outcome of the campaign of the Northern Army in 1777, which was the turning point in the long struggle for American independence.
    As nearly as I am able to tell, Major Whitcomb, after participating in the victories over Burgoyne, remained with General Gates at Albany until fall. The 15th of November, 1777, he was sent by General Gates to Colonel Bedel, who was then at Coos (Haverhill), with a message requiring Bedel to engage without delay "a regiment of volunteers of five hundred men, officers included, to be commanded by yourself (Bedel), as colonel, and the bearer, Captain Whitcomb, as major," for the capture of St. Johns, Canada. The greatest secrecy was enjoined on them and no one was to be acquainted with the object of the expedition except Bedel, Wheelock and Whitcomb.
    By a later letter dated at Albany, January 29, 1778 from Colonel Hazen to Colonel Bedel, it appears that Onion River was to be the general place of rendezvous for the proposed expedition, to which place Major Whitcomb was supposed to accompany Bedel.
    By a letter from General Conway to Bedel, bearing date at Albany, 15th February, 1778, Bedel was directed to remain with his troops at Coos until further orders, which was followed by another letter of similar import the next day, February 16th. The expedition to Canada was finally abandoned by orders from Marquis de Lafayette, and the regiment was ordered to Albany instead. We suppose Major Whitcomb was assisting Colonel Bedel during the time from the fall of 1777 until the expedition was abandoned in the spring of 1778, in recruiting the regiment.
    In March of the same year, 1778, Lafayette appears to have sent orders to Bedel to keep his men together for general duty at Coos, in scouting expeditions, in building forts and highways and for the general defense of the Connecticut valley frontier, but the regiment was disbanded under the prior enlistment March 3, and mustered anew for a year's service April 1, 1778. Major Whitcomb seems to have drawn pay with Bedel's Regiment for the full time from November 15, 1777, until March 31, 1778 - 137 days.
    It appears that because of the political troubles arising between Vermont and New Hampshire, relating to the border towns on the Connecticut River, and because of representations made by Ethan Allen, General Stark became somewhat prejudiced against Bedel's Regiment and wrote to General Gates expressing his belief that Bedel had not mustered the number of men for which he was drawing rations and pay. The result was that General Gates dispatched an officer to Coos with orders to Bedel to send 100 men to Stark at Albany, and later, after further correspondence of Stark to Gates, expressing a similar incredulous state of mind. General Gates in July, 1778, ordered the companies of Captains Nelson, Cushman, Taylor and Tarleton under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Wheelock, to join Stark at Albany. This left four companies of Bedel's Regiment at Coos, under the command of Colonel Bedel and Major Whitcomb. These companies were commanded by Captains Ezekiel Ladd, Timothy Barron, Simeon Stevens and Luther Richardson. As a result of the political quarrels, Bedel's Regiment was in disfavor with the authorities at Exeter, at Bennington and New York, but it was recruited by order of the Continental Congress, it was beyond he reach of state authorities and remained on duty, a part at Coos and a part at Albany and vicinity, until relieved by General Hazen at Coos in April, 1779. That Whitcomb did not remain at Coos all of this time is made certain by a letter from General James Clinton to Colonel Bedel, bearing date of February 16, 1779, in which he says he has written Major Whitcomb to collect his scattered corps and take post with Bedel at Coos for the protection of the stores, and by a letter of Bedel to Clinton, dated at Haverhill, March 6, 1779, in which he says he has not yet seen or heard from the major. Where he was at the time is a question I have not yet solved. But during most of this period of time, so far as we are able to determine, Major Whitcomb was on duty at Coos with Bedel's Regiment; and as frequent calls for information about the condition of the enemy and the general feeling of the settlers in Canada were made on Colonel Bedel by Generals Gates, Hazen, Lafayette and others, we may feel certain that Major Whitcomb was performing his full share of the scouting service. As we have said, General Hazen relieved Bedel at Coos in April, 1779. He remained there until September. The frontier was then guarded for a time by a regiment under the command of Colonel Mose Nichols. Afterwards, the people were left to look out for themselves under the command of Major Whitcomb.
    In December, 1779, Major Whitcomb appears as a messenger from General Washington at Morristown, New Jersey, to Colonel Bedel at Haverhill, the message being dated December 11, 1779, ordering Colonel Bedel to appear at that place before a court of inquiry concerning charges of malconduct in the quarter-master's and commissary's departments at Haverhill.
    During the seasons of 1779 and the early part of 1780, the settlers in the Coos region were constantly alarmed lest an invading army should be sent from Canada into the Connecticut valley. Scouts were kept out all of the time, and in those days, surrounded as they were with boundless forests, without the means of speedy communication, great must have been their anxiety. Every forest tree was made to hide a lurking foe. With every fresh alarm, new petitions were sent to Exeter and Albany for assistance. Finally on the 22nd of June, 1780, the House of Representatives voted to raise 120 men to be sent to the western frontier of the state to reinforce Major Whitcomb's Battalion. Ephraim Stone of Westmoreland was appointed captain of one company, and Samuel Runals or Reynolds of Durham, of the other. These men were enlisted for six months. A fort had been constructed at Upper Coos (Northumberland), and to this place Captain Reynolds was sent.
    Whitcomb's Battalion remained on duty at Coos and Upper Coos during the year 1789. On October 16th of the same year, what appears to have been the sequel of the killing of General Gordon, took place, viz., the sacking of Royalton, Vermont. It will be remembered that a reward was offered for the capture of Whitcomb, and the same was also true of General Jacob Bayley of Newbury, Vermont. It appears that the enemy were apprised of the fact that Whitcomb was at Haverhill by a prisoner by the name of Hamilton, who had been at Newbury on parole. A party under the command of British Lieutenant Horton, composed mostly of Indians, guided by Hamilton, set out to capture Whitcomb and Bayley, but when they arrived at what is now Montpelier, Vermont, they received information that Coos and Newbury were strongly garrisoned. They then turned through Chelsea and Tunbridge, Vermont and vented their fury on Royalton, laying in ashes the entire settlement, and killing a number of persons and taking others prisoners.
    It was while at upper Coos, according to a family tradition, which seems quite well grounded, that Whitcomb was surprised, captured and taken to St. Francis River in Canada, where his captors intended to deliver him to the British authorities at the mouth of the river and receive their reward. He was kept securely bound, but the night before they expected to reach the British post, he prevailed on one of the Indians whom he had befriended years before to cut his bonds and release him, when he made his escape back to his post.
    Major Whitcomb's service in the Revolutionary war was continuous from the time of his enlistment. The following is a copy of his record of service on file at Washington:
    Capt. Benjamin Whitcomb, Dr. Contra, Cr.
    Engaged Octo. 14, 1776.
    by 10 Months & 10 days at Capt. wages.
    Promoted to a Major.
    By 1 month, 20 days, Maj.
    November 10, 1777.
    By 12 months ditto in 1778;
    By 12 months ditto in 1779;
    By 12 months ditto in 1780;
    By 1 month in 1781.
    From this and other records it appears that his public service ended at Haverhill, New Hampshire, January 31, 1781.
    At the close of his military career, Major Whitcomb settled down to a private life on the frontier near the scene of some of his adventures. We find by the land records in Grafton county that on the 24th of October, 1782, he purchased a full proprietor's share of land in the township of Concord (Lisbon) of Joseph Burt of Westmoreland, Cheshire county, for eight pounds. In this deed Whitcomb is set out as a resident of Haverhill, New Hampshire. It is supposed that he moved to Lisbon very soon after his purchase.
    At a meeting of the proprietors of the town of Concord (Lisbon) held at the dwelling house of Major Samuel Young, inn holder (now known as the Cobleigh place), in Concord, October 30, 1799, it was voted "That in consideration of Benjamin Whitcomb's ????? in the town of Concord, the proprietors relinquished to him, his heirs and assigns all their right or claim to 100 acres of land of River Lot No. 1 opposite the 5th & 6th Ranges, he paying the proprietors treasurer .19 in 90 days." This tract of land is located west of the Ammonoosuc River, extending north and south of the premises now occupied by David Ash. Whitcomb built a frame house on the lot near the present site of Mr. Ash's barn, which is said to have been one of the first frame houses in Lisbon. It was burned October 1, 1884.
    Whitcomb appears to have dealt quite extensively in real estate, as 64 land sales are recorded in which his name appears either as grantor or grantee. He took a prominent part in town affairs and was elected to nearly all the important offices within the gift of his townsmen. He was a justice of the peace for quite a number of years. The records of the town of Lisbon are lost prior to 1790, but Major Whitcomb's name occurs frequently in the records subsequent to that date. He filled the office of selectman in the years 1793, 1796 and 1797. In the later year the town chose as its highest officers a formidable array of military talent. I quote from the record: "Made choice of Major Samuel Young, Major John Young, and Major Benjamin Whitcomb, selectmen for the town of Concord the year of ensuing, who were all sworn."
    In the year 1818, at the age of eighty, he applied for and was granted a pension at the rate of 0 per annum, the cause being that he was then in reduced circumstances and stood in need of the assistance of his country for support. To this application is attached an invoice of his personal property which amounted to the sum of .74. An increase of his pension was applied for under an act of Congress of May 15, 1828, which was allowed to the time of his death and paid to his only surviving children, Anna Morris of Lisbon, New Hampshire, and Ruth Merry of Bolton, Lower Canada.
    Benjamin Whitcomb married Lydia Howe of Westmoreland, in 1769, and had by her six children:
    Benjamin, Jr., who married Sally Young of Lisbon.
    Joshua, who married Clarissa Bailey.
    Lydia, who married Ezra Caswell of Lisbon.
    Azubah, who married Samuel Rankin.
    Anna, who married Samuel Morris of Lisbon.
    Ruth, who married Ralph Merry of Bolton, Canada.
    Of his six children, Anna was the only one who always lived in the town of Lisbon. She had twelve children, one of whom, Mrs. Adam Streeter, is now living. She also has numerous grandchildren and great-grand-children still residing in the last mentioned town.
    Major Benjamin Whitcomb died July 22, 1828, aged 91 years and 21 days, in Lisbon, New Hampshire, in that part of town known as Savageville, on the place now owned by Mrs. Matilda Wright, who is a granddaughter of Anna Morris. He and his wife Lydia, who died September 14, 1823, aged 84 years, are buried side by side in what is known as the Salmon Hole cemetery near the Sugar Hill railway station in the town of Lisbon. Their graves are marked by two nearly plain slabs of talc schist or soapstone rock, which seems to be a variety of stone much used during that period. On her stone appears the following:
    Friends nor physicians could not save
    Her mortal body from the grave.
    Nor can the grave confine her here
    When Christ shall call her to appear.
    In personal appearance Major Whitcomb is described as a man of average height, muscular, with very broad shoulders, light complexion, kindly countenance, and in his old age, inclined to corpulency. There was little about him to indicate the stern, fearless qualities of the man. He was honest in all his business transactions, and never for a moment disregarded or trespassed on the rights of others. It seems rather remarkable that a man accustomed as he was to the activity displayed during the war, wont to roam through the forests, subsisting largely as of necessity he must, on the products of the woods and streams, should immediately settle down to a quiet, peaceful life on a farm at the close of his military career. That a man who was accustomed to command, accustomed to obedience from others, one who had made himself feared by his foes, whose name was a terror to the Indians, should be so careful never to infringe on the rights of others, should so regard their wishes and desires as Whitcomb is said to have done, seems equally remarkable. In his old age, after his sons were married and removed from town, and three of his daughters, Lydia, Azubah, and Anna, had families of their own, he was cared for by his daughter Ruth, who remained unmarried to the time of his death and was appointed administratrix of his estate. He left a will but it was never probated, being deemed defective because of its having only two witnesses. From the pension rolls we learn that he was survived by only two of his children, Anna and Ruth. His estate, according to the invoice, consisted of a few household goods and a small amount of pension money, hardly enough to defray expenses of his burial. From his recorded deeds, we judge, however, that he had generously provided for all of his children out of his estate years before his death, practically settling the same according to his own desires.
    Major Whitcomb lived in a history making period of this country, at a time when the northern border of civilization was practically marked by Conway on the Saco, by Campton on the Pemigewasset, Rumney on Bakers River, Haverhill and Newbury on the Connecticut, and Lisbon on the Ammonoosuc. Such settlements as had been made north of these points were weak and unprotected. All around and between them there was nothing but unbroken forests. Money was scarce and trade was carried on by a system of barter. It was not alone the exigencies of war and the presence of savage foes that called for activity on the part of the frontiersman. To forge ahead of all others to the very verge of civilization, to clear forests, to erect homes, to raise crops sufficient for the support of a wife and large family, to endure the hardships of the New England winters, far from churches, far from physicians, distant from stores and mills, necessitating long trips to supply the necessities of life, called for a display of undaunted courage, iron will, and muscular activity fully equaling the duties of a soldier. In both lines, as soldier and civilian, Major Whitcomb had no superior. When done with one he cheerfully took up the duties of the other. In warfare, it is said he never shirked and no enterprise was so arduous, no undertaking so dangerous but that he was willing to enter upon it. He was as brave as the bravest, and as cunning and crafty as the savage foe with whom he was called to compete. His powers of endurance must have been almost beyond conception. The hardships he encountered, the hairbreadth escapes he passed through are almost incredible. Yet he did pass through them all, a great good fortune following and guiding him, without serious injury, to end a long, active and useful career in the peace and quiet of his home. But his life and character are better displayed by his acts and deeds than illustrated by any word picture of mine. It is to such men as Major Whitcomb that this country owed a debt which it can never fully repay. To such is due our American independence. We have to thank them for the blessings of a free and independent republican form of government, for which they toiled, fought and died. It was for them to establish it. It is ours to maintain and enjoy.
    The History of Whitcomb's Rangers; www.mafseminars.com/whitcomb's.htm
    Benjamin Whitcomb enlisted as a Lieutenant in a regiment of Colonel Bedel' s New Hampshire Rangers on January 22, 1776. Whitcomb's company served as a rear guard for the American Army in the Northern Department as the army moved south from Canada after the failed Canadian Campaign.
    Because of Whitcomb's extensive experience in the area of the Champlain Valley from his service in the French & Indian Wars, American commanders frequently used him as a scout around Fort Ticonderoga and surrounding areas. On one such mission, Whitcomb shot and fatally wounded the commander of the British First Brigade, Brigadier General Patrick Gordon. As a result of this, the British put a price on Whitcomb's head, and he and his men were vigorously hunted by British and their Indian allies for the remainder of the war.
    Because of Whitcomb's prowess as a ranger and scout, General Gates recommended to Congress on September 30, 1776 that he be given command of his own corps of rangers. General Gates address to John Hancock, President of the Congress stated in part:
    ...I must now beg leave to recommend Lieut. Whitcomb as a very proper person, to have the Command of Two Independent Companies, of Fifty Men each to be recruited by Himself, and the Officers to be Commissioned agreeable to his Recommendations. I never knew any Man more capable of doing good Service, in the Ranging or Scouting way, than Lieut. Whitcomb, and his Sobriety, Honor, and Truth illustrate his Military Talents.
    On October 15, 1776, Congress adopted the following resolution.
    In Congress Assembled - Resolved, That two independent Companies consisting of fifty Men each, be immediately raised to be commanded by Lieutenant Whitcomb, who should be appointed Captain Commandant - that he nominate the Officers of the said two Companies who are to be appointed, when approved by the commanding Officer of the Northern Department.
    Benjamin Whitcomb's Independent Corps of Rangers, having been officially authorized by Congress, began fulfilling their role in earnest by the Spring of 1777. The Rangers quickly built a reputation for their skill at scouting and raiding, primarily in small groups of from two to twenty men.
    They traveled great distances from their posts at or around Mount Independence and Fort Ticonderoga on the open water by canoe, and over land by foot. Scouting parities of Whitcomb's men frequently traveled from their posts to over 100 miles north through savage infested wilderness into enemy territory to gather information from the area around Montreal.
    Whitcomb's Rangers were with the American Army as it was forced by the British to abandon Fort Ticonderoga and Mount Independence on July 6, 1777. They marched from Mt. Independence over 20 miles away to Hubbardton, and there fought a successful but costly rear guard action the next day on July 7. While considered a British victory, the Battle of Hubbardton had served its purpose for the Americans by giving the majority of the Army time to escape and regroup. A few weeks later on August 16, Whitcomb's men were part of an American force that fought a successful engagement at the Battle of Bennington.
    Some of Whitcomb's men were with Colonel Brown when he made a gallant attempt to retake Fort Ticonderoga on September 17-22, 1777. The attempt failed owing to the sturdy defenses, but it did succeed in destroying the shipping and outer works of the fort, and in capturing 225 British and Germans and releasing 100 American prisoners. At the same time, the main force of the American Army was making its way north of Albany where Whitcomb himself was reportedly the first person to have observed the approaching British army along Bemis Heights. When Burgoyne came up against the American positions at Freeman's Farm on September 19, some of Whitcomb's Rangers served with Dearborne's Light Infantry Battalion and fought the first battle of Saratoga. After the battle, they were assigned to watch Burgoyne's left flank until General Stark could move into position to cut off the British retreat.
    Whitcomb was promoted to Major in November of 1777, and the Rangers were eventually assigned to Rutland, Vermont. Whitcomb being the senior Continental Army officer in the area, served as overall commander of Fort Ranger, and commanded several militia companies, another company of Continental Rangers, and a portion of Seth Warner's Regiment, the only other Continental troops in Vermont.
    In January 1781,as part of an army-wide reorganization, orders came from Congress for Whitcomb to send his non-commissioned officers and privates to join the Continental Army and for the officers to retire. An appeal was made to General Washington but the original orders stood. Most of the rangers became part of the New Hampshire Continental Line.
    Richard Newton of Sudbury, Massachusetts, 1638-9: also an account of the Indian raid in Barnard, Vermont, August 9, 1780 (1912) by Newton, William Monroe, Woonsocket, R. I. : W. M. Newton & Son
    Page 32 - 34
    The Reason.
    Was there any reason why the settlement was looking for trouble from the north in 17I80? There was no expectation of a general invasion from that quarter but all this region was aware of something which had happened and would be apt to cause trouble for them.
    Asa Whitcomb has been styled the official father of Barnard. He was an early settler in Barnard and one of the original proprietors of Stockbridge, settling there as early as 1785. He represented the town in the legislature of 1797. He had taken up land there in 1780 on what is known as the Judge Keyes place, there was some natural meadow land and had cattle pasturing there in the fall of 1780. His son John, fourteen years old, was camping there and watching the cattle. John had been in Capt. Cox's company on the alarm of August 1, 1780 for one day.
    Benjamin Whitcomb, a relative of Asa's, was employed as a scout in the French and Indian War and in the Revolution. He greatly resembled Asa in personal appearance. After the capture of Ticonderoga by Allen he repaired thither and there learned of a circular sent out by General Washington saying he wished to retaliate upon the British officers for their wanton dutcheries of women and children by the Indians and to accomplish it he offered any American soldier who would go to Canada and waylay and shoot a British General, a Major's commission and pay in the army, and a Captain's commission and pay for a Colonel &c. This started Benjamin Whitcomb and two others for Canada. One deserted before they crossed the line. The other one left Whitcomb before they got to the enemy and when the climax came Whitcomb was alone. Near Three Rivers he ascertained that a brigade of British soldiers and some Indians were about to move toward the line. He found the route they would take. Selecting a favorable place, he waited back of the upturned roots of a large tree. When the troops came by several mounted officers were allowed to pass because their rank was not high enough. Then came General Gordon on a white horse with his staff and some Indians. When within range Whitcomb fired and hit the general who threw up his hands, fell from his horse and died half an hour later. Whitcomb did not leave his place of concealment until the Indians, who had seen the smoke from his gun, had rushed by thinking he had run into the woods. When they had gone he got into the stream and put for home. They put blood hounds on his track but he foiled them and made for the States. His only rations for some time was the small amount of parched corn he had for he did not dare to fire a gun or make a fire lest he should be discovered. He did not dare ask for food when he came to the first houses for fear the people were Tories but foot sore and famished he did shoot an ox, cut out enough of the skin to make a pair of moccasins, and took a piece of meat which he hastily half cooked in the swamp and then hurried on. He finally came to Royalton, Vt. and there obtained food. He did not despoil Gen. Gordon for he had no chance. The British offered 1000 Crowns reward for his head or2000 Crowns for him delivered alive at any British post. He sought employment in the frontier guard at Lancaster, N. H. where he felt secure but when out one day he was suddenly seized from behind by five Indians, securely bound and started for Canada. Whitcomb recognized in one of his captors an Indian he had saved from death the winter before. He tried to make the fellow recognize him but could not. Sleeping securely bound and tied to two Indians and to a stake, he was awakened in the night by this Indian who cut his bonds, took him down to the water, gave him his gun, ammunition and some corn and told him to go. So he escaped and came back. Thinking these regions offered too great danger for him he went to Massachusetts and lived there. He received his Major's commission and later a Major's pension and was known as "Major Ben".
    When Whitcomb reached Royalton he was among friends and having been successful in his mission doubtless made known his exploit. The story became common property and the deed was likely commended by these frontier settlers who had suffered much and were to suffer more at the hands of the allies of the British.
    A Spy.
    But Whitcomb was not so safe as he fancied, even in Royalton. About the time Whitcomb killed General Gordon a man by the name of Hamilton, one of Burgoyne's men, had been taken prisoner and was on parole of honor in New England. In the early part of the summer of 1780 he had been in Newbury and Royalton and had, perhaps, been in this vicinity more or less since his capture in 1777. In the early summer of 1780 he left Royalton with others on the pretense of going north to survey land but he went directly to the enemy. He is later heard of as the guide of the expedition which burned Royalton, as Zadoc Steele tells us. It is more than likely he was serving in the same capacity for the party which came to Barnard for according to Carpenter, the Barnard Raid was composed both of Indians and Tories. (See Carpenter's Diary of August 10, 1780.) Knowing of the murder of General Gordon and hearing of the large reward offered for the capture of his slayer it was but natural that he should be one to attempt the capture of Whitcomb. He knew a man by the name of Whitcomb who lived in Barnard and had a ranch in Stockbridge and on inquiry he found that this man answered the description of the wanted man.
    The Expedition
    Accordingly an expedition was fitted out consisting of over twenty one persons-mostly Indians-to capture Whitcomb and get the reward. In their canoes they came up the Sorrel River to Lake Champlaine and then crossed the mountains. They came down from the head waters of the White River and searched out Whitcomb's Stockbridge ranch where they expected to find the man they wanted. The place was only a shack for summer camping and had been occupied until that morning by John Whitcomb, a boy of fourteen, who was watching the cattle of his father Asa. He had cooked an early breakfast and gone back to Barnard that morning on the old white horse after provisions. When the Indians came they found a live fire but no one in sight. Leaving a few of their number to watch -for they suspected Benjamin was in hiding nearby -the old chief took the larger part of his force by the only trail which led out of the clearing, down the river to the mouth of Locus Creek and up to the pioneer settlement in Barnard.
    New Hampshire County Probate Records, 1660 - 1973, Grafton
    records 1826 - 1829 vol 9 - 10, Page 488 - 489, Image 523
    Co.
    The Hon. Phinchas Walker, judge of the Court for the Probate of Wills for the said County.
    To Otis Savage, Ebenezer Morris and John Hodges all of Lisbon in said CountyGreeting
    You are hereby appointed a Committee to make an Inventory of all the estate of Benjamin Whitcomb late of Lisbon aforesaid deceased, intestate to be shown to you by Ruth Whitcomb, Administratrix on said estate & to make Just & impartial appraisement thereof according to the best of your judgment & to return the same under your hand into the Registrar's office of said Court, upon oath to your fidelity & impartiality herein within three months together with this warrant.
    Dated at Plymouth the 18th day of August Anno Domini 1828
    Phinchas Walker, Judge Probate
    The following is an appraisement of the estate of Benjamin Whitcomb late of Lisbon aforesaid deceased as shown to us by Ruth Whitcomb, Administratrix of said estate
    Wearing Apparel6.33
    Beding3.84
    1Table Cloth.50
    1Pr Pillows.30
    1Bedstead1.00
    1Table1.00
    5Chairs1.19
    1Churn.50
    2Old Tea Pots.67
    2Small brass kettles3.00
    1Old Pine Chest.75
    2old fire shovels & 1 pr Tongs.50
    1Pr Steel yards.40
    1old hammer.12
    2Old Tubs.34
    --------
    20.44
    Ebenezer Morris
    John HodgeAppraisers
    Otis Savage
    Personally appeared the above named Ebenezer Morris, John Hodge & Otis Savage and made solemn oath that the above schedule is an Inventory of the estate of Benjamin Whitcomb late of Lisbon deceased as shown to them by Ruth Whitcomb Administratrix of said estate and is a true & faithful appraisal according to the best of their judgment.
    October 18, 1828, Grafton Co.Hamlin Rand Jus Peace
    To the Hon - the Judge of Probate of Wills & for the County of Grafton
    Respectfully represents Ruth Whitcomb of Lisbon in said County Single Woman, that her father Benjamin Whitcomb, a pensioner died leaving no estate but his clothes & about eighty dollars due him on his pension, that she had nursed him for over a year, during all which he was confined with her chest sickness & to get her pay by said pension & as his only unmarried child in this country or State she prays that your Honor would appoint her Administrator to his estate. He left a Will but is signed but by two Witnesses & is to her & she is told & she does not wish it proved as she supposes it would not benefit anyRuth Whitcomb
    Grafton Co. State of New Hampshire
    At a Court of Probate holden at Plymouth in said County on the eighteenth day of August Anno Domini 1828 before the Hon. Phinches Walker Judge
    Upon examining the foregoing petition, it appears the facts therein alleged are true. It is therefore decreed that Administration on the estate of said deceased be granted to the said Ruth Whitcomb. She giving bond as the law directs.
    Phs Walker Judge Probate

      Source: #S34 Page: page 404 Quality or Certainty of Data: 3
      Source: #S41 Page: page 65 Quality or Certainty of Data: 3 Data: Text: p.65 Benjamin Whetcomb ye Son of Benjamin and Dorathe Whetcomb was born ye 2nd day of July, 1737
      Source: #S86
      Source: #S91 Page: page 768 Quality or Certainty of Data: 2
      Source: #S498 Page: M637, roll 5, p. 19, Benjamin Whitcomb Quality or Certainty of Data: 3 Data: Text: Concord, Grafton, New Hampshire
      Source: #S500 Page: M32, roll 20, Concord, Grafton, New Hampshire, p. 668, Benjamin Whitcomb Quality or Certainty of Data: 3
      Source: #S760 Page: Probate records for Benjamin Whitcomb. Probate records 1826 - 1829 vol 9 - 10, Page 488 - 489, Image 523. Quality or Certainty of Data: 3
      Source: #S86
      Source: #S91 Page: page 768 Quality or Certainty of Data: 2
      Source: #S534 Page: page 1478 Quality or Certainty of Data: 3
      Source: #S91 Page: page 75 Quality or Certainty of Data: 2

Acknowledgments

Thank you to Bill Rankin for creating WikiTree profile Whitcomb-449 through the import of James Rankin to Me.ged on Sep 10, 2013. Click to the Changes page for the details of edits by Bill and others.